ReORIENT THE NINETEENTH CENTURY

by

Andre Gunder Frank

During the early nineteenth century and at least until mid-century, economic dominance in the world economy still remained in Asia, just as it had been during the previous centuries, as argued and I believe demonstrated in ReORIENT. Closer examination of the first half of the nineteenth century suggests that most domestic economies in Asia and the division of labor and trade among them continued substantially as it had before. That is, much of the received wisdom about the role of

Europe and the West in the world economy is very wide of the mark not only for the centuries before 1800, but also for the first half and indeed longer in the nineteenth century. Certainly the European economic impact was quite marginal in China and Japan, but apparently it was much less also in India and Southeast Asia than has heretofore been claimed both by Western and by nationalist Asian historians and political economists. Even Egypt under Mohamed Ali until mid-century and the Tanzimat Ottoman empire were still able to mount more economic defenses against Western domination and especially exports than has been widely supposed. Certainly the already prior weakness the traditionally attributed to the since then underdeveloping 'traditional' economies in the 'Third World' before 1800 is entirely fictitious. Much the same should be said about Africa and Latin America even until the mid-nineteenth century. On further examination moreover, at the beginnings and extent of decline in various parts of Asia was probably exaggerated in ReORIENT. Moreover, particularly important today is the demonstration that the still almost universally alleged early extent and pace of industrialization in Europe, as well as its rapid relative and absolute rise in the world, have been even more exaggerated.

As already argued in ReORIENT, to understand any part, it is absolutely essential to examine its place in the whole of which it is a part. A fortiori of course, it is necessary to study the whole also for its own sake.

European imperialist and colonialist incursions did not become economically really significant until the second half, or also indeed even until the last quarter of the of the nineteenth century albeigh in part excepting India, and that was a significant exception whose the really significant nature in and for the world economy is to be examined below. Indeed, it was the widespread depression, deflation and consequent attempt to preserve and among each other to compete for markets after 1873 that was the most important incentive for Western - now including American -imperialism and colonialism. Despite concerted European and later also American political and military efforts around the world, most of the since then and now underdeveloped world still maintained much more absolute and relative - to Western - economic health than they have been given credit for. That includes China, despite European treaty ports and later also open doors to the West and also Dutch direct colonial administration of Indonesia. Indeed, British colonialism in India was less concerned with promoting the infamous "Drain" from India, and on further examination now seems to have undermined its economy less than has heretofore been supposed. Indeed, the greatest importance of India in the world and British economic scheme of things was its place and role in forming and sustaining a complex global system of international in/balances of trade and payments. As we will see below, primarily Britain and secondarily Continental Western Europe relied on the benefits therefrom for some of their consumption, much of their domestic investment and, significantly, most of their foreign investment in the United States, Argentina, and the British Dominions.

That is, more careful examination of nineteenth century reality, as proposed below,

belies the now popular beliefs and still most 'scientific' opinion about the supposed Western penetration particularly of the Asian economy in most of the nineteenth century. Without trying in by any means morally to justify or politically to support any and all imperialism and colonialism nor any of its consequences, the time has come to review and where appropriate to revise the substantially ideological dogma of Western triumphalism over alleged 'traditionalism' elsewhere and simultaneously of much of the nationalist appeal to and 'defenses' of 'traditional' values and also its exaggeration of the deformation of 'Third World' economies. To do so in no way negates the critique of ideologically inspired classical, neo-classical and Keynesian 'scientific' analysis and political propaganda by dependence and world-system theory and their alternative analyses. The re-examination of reality and its still other alternative analysis proposed below may also parallel the denunciation of the receded wisdom of both now 'traditional,' and the new dependence as well as world-system theory by their denunciation by recent post-modernist, post-colonial, and sub-altern textual 'analysis' as far as the latter go, which is not much. For they offer no examination and much less analysis of any political economic reality and its history. Most importantly they have and offer no global perspective, examination, nor political economic history and analysis of the one world economy and system whose own whole globe encompassing structure and dynamic is so determinant of the possibilities, options and therefore successes and failures of its ever changing geographic, political economic, social and cultural parts.

For much more than the alleged virtues, vices, successes or failures of ever changing local, regional, sectoral, national or any other parts and their efforts; the most important determinant of who gets or not what, when, where, and how is their location, place and role in the also ever changing and yet so far also in its essential still surviving global political economic scheme of things. The remainder of this essay will try to lay bare only the outline and major skeletal features of the world political economic history and some of its principal parts in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The further empirical supply and theoretical analysis of its flesh and other bones as well as supporting organs and circulatory system thereof must for now be left for a proposed book that would be a sequel to ReORIENT.

For purposes of political economic world or global history, the nineteenth century from 1816 to 1913 should, or at least may, be divided into three periods of approximately equal length: [1] 1816 to 1848/1850, [2] 848 to 1873/1880, and [3] 1873 to 1913. These three periods and the dates of transition from one to the next reflect several significant kinds of political economic regimes and the transitions among them.

Let us examine them period by period and in turn by the place and role of various 'national' economies, sectors and processes.

To begin with, we may suitably but so far only incipiently examine the dominant monetary regimes. During the first period from 1813 to 1848/50, the de facto silver standard that had been dominant over the previous centuries [see ReORIENT particularly chpt. 3] continued to reign supreme. The second period from 1848/50 to 1873/80 was marked by a bi-metallic silver/gold standard, in which silver continued to weigh heavily, both in the extent of reliance still on silver in the world economy, as well as in the preponderant number of countries that remained on the silver standard. Thus silver continued first supreme and then still very significant through three quarters of the nineteenth century. Gold did not even begin its monetary rule until after 1873 and was only dominant for the four decades until 1913. Interestingly that is also precisely the period in which the gold standard's principal supporter, Britain, was losing its previous dominance in the world economy that therefore covered the mere three decades preceding 1873. That was of course also the date that marked the beginning of "The Great Depression" which lasted until 1895. Yet even during that period, the monetary standard continued to be silver in Mexico, by far the world's largest producer before the new Colorado mines began to produce, and in China and at Britain's own instance India, who still continued as the world's largest importers of silver. Some other large countries, including Russia and the Ottoman empire, also remained on the silver standard, and the United States still continued on a bi-metallic standard until very late in the nineteenth century that prompted William Jennings Bryant's famous 1896 "Cross of Gold" speech in defense of western agricultural and Midwestern rural interests who sought protection against gold, which favored Eastern industrial interests. Thus and contrary to widespread belief that in the nineteenth century the world was on the gold standard, it's never more than only partial rule was confined to only the last three decades of that century and the first one of the twentieth century. Britain's attempt to return to the gold standard after World War I proved to be a disaster for Britain; and Roosevelt's tying gold to 35 dollars put much of the world on a de facto dollar standard until Nixon again separated them and the Bretton Woods arrangements gave way to flexible exchange rates in the early 1970s.

Let us return to the nineteenth century and its also much more substantial than generally realized continuation of prior world economic structure and trends, which themselves have traditionally been mistaken as 'traditional'. If the Asian economy was

altogether preponderant in the world economy until at least 1800, as argued in ReORIENT, why, when, and how did it cease to be so? Or to look at the inverse side of the world economic coin, why, when and how, indeed how much, in the world economy was Asia replaced by Europe and the West, and by what political economic world structure and process, including military, social, cultural and ideological mechanisms?

In this world political economic regard to begin with, a number of mistaken analytical if not largely ideological propositions continue to have widespread currency. One, as already noted above, is the timing of these changes. Certainly, again except for the important case of India but even there it now appears that not as much as previously supposed, the transition from Asian to European dominance in Asia itself but also in the world economy was at most very incipient in the first period noted above, that is until at least the mid-nineteenth century.

Probably no one alleges otherwise for China, despite the opium trade from India and the two opium wars it occasioned, one not until 1840 and the other in 1854, and the treaty ports they opened up, all generated by Britain. As we will examine with regard to world and silver trade below, however the critical objection to the opium trade for the Chinese government was not so much moral or political. One of its officials prohibited and prevented the import of opium through Shanghai in 183x provided the pretext for Britain to start the Opium War of 1840 and then to demand at get some treaty ports; because, whether legally or illegally, the import of opium required payment in and outflow of silver. Be that as it may, none of these however opened and permitted the penetration of the domestic Chinese market or even the control of much of its still continuing substantial foreign trade. Marx was certainly mistaken when at mid-century he wrote that the exports from British industry are or would be the battering ram that would penetrate the Chinese Great Wall. On the contrary, no foreign economy or power since then or even as yet today and for the still foreseeable future been able to capture the market of the then hundreds of millions and soon a billion and a half cherished consumers of China, which have continually attracted everybody in the West since Marco Polo and Christopher Columbus. [Not only Columbus and Vasco da Gama sought the way to China, but that much of the penetration and westward push through North America was driven by search for the much sought after cherished "Northwest Passage" to China. Indeed that was so much the case that still in the 1860s, merchants in Montreal welcomed the opening of the Trans-Canadian railway because of everybody's continued interest in the Chinese market, the route to which along the St. Laurence seaway and then the railroad they hoped would now pass through their city].

Significantly, political excursion and intervention by European powers outside Europe never involved any use of major military force, although it was used against each other in the Crimean War and between the North and the South in the American Civil War. Nor was military power used especially to promote European industrial exports and trade, whose amount to Asia, Africa, and Latin America never amounted to all that much. Europeans used relatively small shows of military force to permit them to set up this multilateral system of trade and payment im/balances, and then to assure its continued operation through very selective military/political intervention at the nodes of nerve and circulatory points around the world where and when it was threatened at crucial times and places. Such use of relatively little military power, and anyway much more the Europeans still did not have at their disposal, was already foreshadowed in the Battle of Plassey and others in India that secured the trade position of Britain and India during the mid-eighteenth century. The same was then similarly but even less intensively or extensively used by Britain in the Straits of Malacca and then in the Opium wars against China in the mid-nineteenth century, which were fought to defend the trilateral trade and payments system among India, China and Britain on which the latter was so dependent. However the more frequent military/political intervention was used especially in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, that is in the third above mentioned period of recent world economic development.

In the first period of the nineteenth century from 1816 to 1848/50, previously existing world economic relations still survived and even expanded. Except for that, the Chinese domestic market remained in Chinese hands then and still now, although it has also been supplied by exports of goods and capital and other remissions by overseas Chinese, particularly but not exclusively in Southeast Asia. Nonetheless, Chinese consumption of cotton and textile goods continued to be almost exclusively from national production - then and ever since, including now. Chinese import of cotton goods was mostly from India and consisted primarily of raw cotton to supply the still growing textile industry, although China also increasingly imported textiles, whose amounts exceeded its textile exports after 1834, when China temporarily also became a net exporter instead of the usual importer of silver.

Except for a brief period, as in the centuries before and the century since until 1929, the principal Chinese import by far continued to be silver, mostly from production in Mexico and supplied by the United States and Britain to pay for the also still preponderant export surplus of China and the corresponding import surplus from China of Britain and others in the West. Then indeed, U.S. exports to China consisted almost entirely of re-export of British goods and of Mexican that in minted form at mid-century became the standard trade coin in Hong Kong and Canton and then legal tender in the treaty ports. However before that in 1834, the official silver/gold price ratio was officially changed by and in the U.S., which resulted in a marked increase in the import to and retention silver from Mexico in the U.S. and therefore a decrease of its export by both to China. Regarding the same, William Schell argues that "thus a change in U.S. monetary policy, not the oft-cited abolition of the BEIC's [British East India Company's] trading monopoly that year, was the most likely cause of the economic crisis that prompted China's crack-down on the opium trade, leading to the First Opium War" [Schell 19xx: 14-15].

Trade and financial relations primarily between Britain and India and secondarily between them and China were the reasons for the British and Indian establishment of the triangular trade with China one of whose legs was the production of opium in and export from India to China. A contemporary explained "opium was still inextricably bound up with the triangular system of trade. China was the creditor of England [still of silk and its derivative good and increasingly by its export of tea], England of India [by virtue of British textile exports to India, which exceeded its imports of the same after 1816, and later also of some capital goods], and India of China [for the opium export of the former and its import by the second] , and opium was the biggest single item in enabling India to discharge her debt to England and England hers to China" [quoted in Fairbank 1953:226-227]. Moreover, India's export surplus with China was the essential element permitting not only India to settle her trade balance with Britain but to permit and channel their homeward bound remittances by British subjects of the private profits they made in India and from its trade with countries to the East. Chinese legal impediments against the import of opium were easily circumvented through smuggle, which may have equaled legitimate trade; but the physical negation of opium imports - precisely because they temporarily generated a net outflow of silver - threatened the essential foundation of the entire triangular system of trade from which the British derived the principal benefit, and thereby precipitated the first Opium War in 1840. The resulting and also nationally generated changes in total and per capita income its rate of change and its distribution in China are examined farther below.

Central Asia, except for relatively brief periods of depression and at least until 1800, continued its central position in and role in relation to developments in the regions

bordering it to the east in China, to the south in India, to the southwest in Persia and the Ottoman Empire, to the west in Europe, and to the north in Russia and Siberia.

Their development of more powerful states with large armies, however then deprived Central Asian of relative political and military bargaining power at the same time as, and under growing European influence or in the case of India also colonialism, these regions increasingly by-passed the trans-central Asian erstwhile 'silk roads' trade ands turned more exclusively outward from Central Asia. Even so, the later nineteenth century still saw the "Great Game" of competition, particularly between Britain, also in protection of its interests in India, and Russia whose expansion east- and South-ward was threatened by and threatening to these same British interests, who also fought over them in the Crimean War.

In India, domestic textile production and export from its previously most productive area declined after 1760 and suffered tremendously in particular through "The Rape of Bengal," and the famine of 1770, which left villages littered with the whitening bones of its inhabitants, as Marx put it. However, textile production had apparently already begun to decline from 1730 onwards [Frank 1998: xx] and continued to do so at the turn and beginning of the nineteenth century. Moreover urbanization and commercialization also declined. However, recent research suggests that nonetheless the impact of British colonialism on domestic agricultural and industrial production and trade was less than heretofore supposed, and from 1870 onwards or even earlier they again revived, also through renewed - then from factory - production and export of textiles.

However, India's place and role in the world trading system changed radically under British colonial administration since the late eighteenth and in the early nineteenth centuries. India changed from net exporter to net importer in 1816. Indeed its long standing westward export surplus was transformed into an export deficit and import surplus, particularly with Britain, which used its colonial political power to effect this change, less through its superior productive and export competitiveness that it still did not have over India, than by tariff, transport charges and financial manipulation both in Britain and in India. That is, therein British reliance on its colonial power was crucial, not in the least by also obliging the Indians themselves to pay for British military and civilian administration of India.

Moreover as already observed in the discussion of China above, already prior to and during this period from 1816 to 1850 and later, India became the lynch pin of the triangular system of trade im/balances and of payments to balance them between it, China and Britain. This triangular system of trade and payments organized by Britain, with the cooperation also of interested parties who also benefitted from it in both India and China, permitted and financed much Britain's persistent structural import surplus of goods and financial capital from Asia.

That multilateral system of trade and payments which would then be vastly extended to and on a global basis after 1873 and until 1913 with trailers still in 1928 and 1937. And it was this arrangement at the cost of the then rapidly underdeveloping regions of the world, and most particularly again or still with India in the role of lynchpin, that permitted the finance and real goods and capital import and export primarily of Britain, secondarily of continental Western Europe, and thirdly by the United States and other newly settled regions. However, we now leave that for examination below of the third period after 1873.

During this same first period after the Napoleonic wars from 1816 to 1848/50, industrialization in Europe was much slower and technologically and sectorally much less extensive to products and their capital inputs and productive processes than suggested by the long hallowed term 'industrial revolution', even in Europe itself, let alone in its capacity thereby to penetrate and conquer the world market. In this regard it is noteworthy already that even with its kept and expanding markets in the newly settled lands overseas the, as an exporter the British 'workshop of the world' was never able to overcome its import surplus from = export deficit to the rest of the world in every year without exception from 1816 to 1913. Indeed, it grew during that time from 10 million to 160 million pound sterling, with Britain all the while however also being an increasingly large exporter of capital. This secret behind slight of hand trick on the rest of the world lay in the above mentioned system of multilateral trade and payments that will be examined further on.

Even in the production of the textiles that were the advance guard of British and then Continental European industrial and technological 'revolution' and during much of the first period to mid-century, handlooms still outnumbered power looms, and most of the were still driven by water rather than steam. Moreover, manufacture of much textile machinery was just that, it was still made by hand. Machines were not yet built by other machines until the end of this period and the beginning of the next. The real key to industrialization, that is machine tooling, was still a long ways away. Moreover, the textile industry had only weak and very few forward and backward linkages, other than to raw cotton itself, which had to be imported primarily from the southern United States, much less so, as their own textile industries declined, from India, Anatolia and later also from Egypt, which replaced the American South during the Civil War.

Steam power made its way still rather slowly in and through manufacturing. In spinning, but not yet in weaving and knitting whose mechanization was more difficult, by 1835, in about a thousand mills, 30 thousand horse power [h.p.] were derived from steam and 10 thousand h.p. were still derived from water. But at the same time in 1833, of 350 thousand looms in Britain, 100 thousand were power looms and 250 thousand were still handlooms. Moreover, these figures are relative, since many looms were only power ASSISTED [Chapman 1972: 19,26]. By 1851, still only 11 percent of the occupied population in Britain was in the textile industry, and none of downstream clothing was as yet made in factories. Only after 1830 did wool textiles begin to come out of factories. Agriculture, with 21 percent of the British workforce still remained by far the largest employer [Ashworth 1962:8-9].

Nor did coal and steel take Britain by storm until after 1840, and even later in other countries in Europe, which however skipped much of the British industrial apprenticeship and went directly into more heavy industry and machine building.

Belgium followed, but a steam engine was still a rarity before 1840. In France there were 625 small steam engines in 1830 and 5,200 larger ones by 1848, and factories were still rare. Even more so in Germany and elsewhere in Europe and indeed in the United States, which by 1840 was the second largest cotton textile producer, but with still only one third that of Britain [Ashworth 1962:10-13]. In 1861, there were still more domestic servants ion Britain than workers in the textile industry, despite the introduction of the 'factory system' [Kemp: xx].

The textile industry, of course, was very dependent on exports to foreign markets, and in Britain it was born and raised in the first place already in competition with and for trade with other countries. First by import substitution and then by export promotion, in woolen textiles this competition had in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries been with northern Italy, Flanders and then Portugal. For cotton textiles it was of course with India, long the world leader, whose textile industry Britain tried to replace in export markets and then on the Indian home market itself, with some success but also some failure. In quantitative terms, all British exports increased quite fast, in the whole period from 1816 to 1845 by nearly 8 times, and during the 1830s alone by more than half [Imlah 1958:94-95]. In the 1830s also British exports, of which textiles still accounted for the largest share, were worth 94 million pounds sterling in total. Of these, 36 million went to Europe, 15 million to the United States,13 million to the West Indies, 10 million to Latin America, and only 13 million to all of Asia, including the world's largest but still also in this regard most self-sufficient countries, China and India, and in the case of the latter, despite British colonial efforts and advantages [Imlah 1958:129]. The totals or any increase in exports measured in pounds sterling may be a bit deceiving, because throughout this period the price of textiles and other exports declined as they became more plentiful and their costs of production declined and/or competition increased.

The next 'revolution', mostly near the end of this first period, was in transport. It began by improving roads for still horse drawn carriages and then advanced to steam powered railways. In that land of their birth however, in the early-mid 1830s the yearly number of miles opened was only 40 to 50, rising to an average of about 200 miles in the late 1830s and early 1840s, before rising to 800 miles in the late 1840s and 1851, after which it declined again to little more than the level of the 1830s [Rostow 1978:143]. Railroads were also complemented by new canals. Steam power was also installed in ships, although even they long continued still also to rely on sails, now complemented by machines. Nonetheless, transport costs in this period declined very sharply from, e.g. from 0.5 pence per pound of cotton shipped from New York to Liverpool in 1823/25 to 0.16 pence in 1851/55. Cost reductions of 50 percent for some products were registered later in the 1850s alone [Kemp 1976:63]. These developments in transportation also provided a significant competitive edge to those who had access to them and to the British capital that was able to make substantial earnings from port, transport, and related shipping and insurance charges, especially in the next two periods of the second half of the century.

World trade, which has been estimated to have amounted to 280 million pounds sterling

in 1800 [but probably vastly underestimated Asian trade], by the same reckoning

increased to 380 million in 1830 and then to 800 million by 1850 [Ashworth 1962:17]. However, European penetration and capture of other markets was never all that extensive, certainly not in China as seen above, but also not as much in India as has long been claimed, and not at all in Japan and Korea. Western Europe managed greater penetration with its industrial products in West than in East and perhaps also than in South Asian as well as in South American markets, which had already been fairly well supplied by domestic industry. European market conquest was relatively higher but owing to their limited markets and purchasing power absolutely small in Africa and in Central Asia. In the latter and in the growing Siberian market, Russian industry, which later in the century grew rather faster than often supposed, had much of the total share to itself. Of course, Europe still had its colonial markets and the expanding and much more lucrative markets of the British Dominions and the United States, until the latter succeeded in import substitution behind high tariff barriers and then itself went on to export promotion to the world market.

But the real name of the game in the world economy increasingly was financing of domestic and foreign investment, both direct and portfolio, as well as emigration/immigration. The latter provided an important escape from drudgery and unemployment in Europe, and an economic and political safety valve for their regimes, which reduced the over-supply of labor, increased its earning relative to what they would have been without this emigration and thereby also inhibited political protest. Some of this emigration from Western Europe had already been and still continued to Eastern Europe, and of course from Russia to Siberia. The large bulk of migration, as is commonly known, was to the United States, Canada, the other British Dominions, and Argentina. During this first period however migration was still modest.

Annual immigration to the most popular destination, the United States, only rose from 10s of thousands in the mid 1820, to 20s of thousands at the end of that decade, to mostly 60 thousand in the 1830s, an average of 80 thousand in the first half of the 1840s during the Irish potato famine, 130 thousand in 1845-46, before taking off into the 200 thousands in the last half of the 1840s and the high 300s in the early 1850s [Rostow 1978:142].

Emigration required some finance for the outward trip from the sending countries and then for its subsistence and the construction of new housing and other infrastructure for the migrants in the receiving countries. The latter in turn provided for a growing market and more demand for exports in turn from these and other countries of origin. Anti-colonialists then and still now by those who wish to deny, except again for India, the importance of imperialism and colonialism for European growth, have often pointed out that European colonies absorbed absolutely and relatively little of its emigration and exports and even less of its foreign investment. But this should come as no surprise in view the massive emigration of eventually 60 million people to the areas of recent settlement and their place and role in the world economy.

Yet probably even more important to the economic growth of Western Europe, the United States and the British Dominions than the migratory flows from Europe as settlers in these new lands per se was their subsequent entry into and role in the complex system of multilateral settlements of the world circling imbalances of trade and payments, which we will examine in greater detail below because of their enormous but little known and less acknowledged political economic importance.

Returning to the first period until mid-century, we may ask what the consequences of the above surveyed developments were for the amounts and rates of growth or decline of capital formation, production and income in total and per capita, as well as its distribution, and their impacts in turn for population growth, and life expectancy, etc. For all of these exact data are scarce, and the ones we have or are able to construct and estimate and their interpretation is still in constant dispute. The most serious effort and estimates for as much of the world as so far possible have been made by Angus Maddison [1982, 1992, 1995 - but I do not yet have the latter two available]

China, as ReORIENT documented and Wong [1997] and Pomeranz [2000] confirmed, still occupied world economic leadership in production, productivity, competitiveness, and income, and therefore we may presume capital formation in 1800. All indications are that on most of these scores, Chinese economic strength and development continued for at least three decades more. It has not yet been well established why and how later in the century, urbanization, commercialization, production and income then declined absolutely and relative to their rise in Europe. However, it may therefore be presumed that the distribution of income, which previously was absolutely and to Europe relatively very unequal [though that is disputed by Pomeranz], became less unequal. In India, the even earlier and more rapid declines in agricultural and industrial production as well as commercialization and urbanization declined, should also have lessened the inequality in the distribution of income, and even more so than in China. For Southeast and Southwest Asia the data are even more scarce, but for the latter there is some evidence that, after declines in the last third or quarter of the eighteenth century that lasted until the end of the Napoleonic wars, there was a revival of production, trade, export and income, which are usually accompanied by greater inequality in the distribution of the last named. The circum-Atlantic economy grew and in part industrialized during this period and continued to do so since, except in cyclical recessions and at a slower rate during the long depression after 1873 and in some first slave and then 'free' men plantation economies in the Caribbean. The American industrializing and agricultural economy grew and its cotton growing and exporting South boomed except during the Civil War. The distribution of income probably became more unequal despite later emancipation of slaves in the South and Go West Young man into the expanding frontier.

For Europe and Britain in particular, the available data are more plentiful and better - but so are the disputes about them and what they mean. By now, there is general agreement however, that there was no sudden 'take-off', particularly in capital formation, as claimed and popularized by Rostow. On the contrary during our first period before mid-century, capital formation was slow, and in many sectors non-
existent. Production and income probably rose, albeit not especially rapidly. However there has been an unending dispute about the distribution of income and the real income and consumption of the mass of laborers in manufacturing, many still in agriculture, and in services to the gentry. The 'pessimists', including Malthus, Ricardo, Marx & Engels, Toynbee, Hammond, and recently most vociferously Eric Hobsbawm,

claimed that the distribution of income became more unequal and the income of the

the majority failed to rise or declined, as did life expectancy, before the late 1840s. The 'optimists', led by Clapham, followed by Ashton, Dean & Cole, Rostow, who takes the same position also with regard to some continental European countries, and many others, and recently most vociferously defended by Hartwell, dispute the classical, Marxist and other evidence, calculations, and deductions therefrom, and instead present evidence and interpret it to claim that the distribution of income became more equal so that also the income as well as life expectancy of the low income majority rose already before 1840.

If the pessimists are right that the distribution of income became more unequal during this period of rising per capita income in Britain [and by extension then in Western Europe and also in the United States?], and if it indeed became more equal with declining income in India throughout and in China later in this and the next period, then the relative increase of income in Europe and America and its simultaneous decline in India and then China, are not enough evidence and deduction from it to suppose that in this period the majority of people became better off in the West but remained or became worse off in the East. Even if the optimists are right, the small imposement in per capita and majority income in this period in Britain and only later even elsewhere in Western but still not in Eastern or much of Southern Europe, that may have been of micro importance to those who received, but it still does not change much on the European, Asian and even less so world economic macro scale. And if moreover per capita income was about equal in the East and the West, with a lead by China over Europe, as the early calculations by Bairoch and Maddison suggest and those by Pomeranz and others now confirm, then at the end of this period still at mid-nineteenth century, the income of the large majority of Chinese and even of Indians may well have continued to equal or exceed that of the British and a fortiori of other Europeans.

Therefore also, it now appears that there was still no break and new departure in the world economy in 1800 nor even by the mid-nineteenth century. That is necessarily the implication of the now largely accepted evolution in manufacturing instead of 'industrial revolution' in Europe and its therefore also inability to invade and capture most markets in South, Southeast and a fortiori East Asia, despite all efforts then and mythology now as well as the now. Of course the obverse side of this necessary revision or at least re-consideration is the also recently suggested and increasingly established continuity from earlier times as well of much Asian development in the first half of the nineteenth century.

Both of these deductive propositions and their derivative hypotheses are, of course, contrary to all received wisdom from the last century and a half of European and Western influence, at least in ideology and on the writing of history. They call for much more evidence and analysis - which however nobody might even trouble to assemble and analyze in the absence of the formulation of these hypotheses!

However whatever they may reveal, such calculations and comparisons, nonetheless remain of only limited value, because any and all of these regions were involved in a complex triangular, quadrangular and in effect multilateral systems of trade, investment and payments as well as of some migration. And this world wide involvement, as will be further argued below, makes all or much of the difference in the generation and therefore necessarily also in the evaluation of the results.

Incipiently already in this first period and substantially more so in the coming second one, there were at least two other important East-West trade and payments im/balance triangles. Both involved Britain and the United States, each of which had separate legs leading tying it to China on the one hand and India on the other. For instance, the large export of cotton from the U.S. to the UK gave the former a favorable balance of trade across the Atlantic, which it used, along with the export of Mexican silver, to meet the U.S. adverse balance with Asia and especially China. But since China, India and Britain already also participated in the afore mentioned 'opium' triangle, all four of them ere already also involved in several criss-crossing triangles. Moreover, there was also another older but in this period still operative four cornered sets of trans-Atlantic triangles, all of which also involved Britain [to a lesser extent France and some other European suppliers of slaves, principally Portugal] and the colonies in North America/then the United States but also including different places and roles in them of the New England/North and the South. The other two corners were West and Southwest Africa one side of the Atlantic and and the Caribbean plantation economies on the other. The triangles, which tied these four corners of the Atlantic among each other, which criss-crossed the Atlantic in all directions. have already often been mapped and analyzed, including in Frank [1978a]. This earlier and better known, but really four cornered 'triangular trade' across the Atlantic still continued and consisted of several trade and payments component triangles in which trade imbalances on one leg of each triangle were compensated by trade and payments deficits or surpluses on the other two legs of the triangle.

All of these mostly four cornered and 'triangles', all of which in turn were already connected through Britain and the United States in this first post-Napoleonic wars period, increased their interchange of trade and payments, and therefore also their division of labor already in this first post-Napoleonic wars period. In the second period examined below, they would see even more 'triangular' but really already multilateral relations of trade and payments among all these and also some new participants.

Therein this triangular arrangement already foreshadowed the already increasingly multilateral one in the second period from 1850 to 1873 and its then full blown and ever more complex, relatively and quantitatively well traveled world encompassing multilateral system of trade and payments im/balances. Therefore, this system of ever growing and more complex system of international trade imbalances and their multilateral financial settlements provided the real underpinnings of world economic development and of its even more unbalanced distribution of costs and benefits, which were determined above all by place and role in the world economic system of investment, migration, trade and payments.

All this has at least three implications, whose importance was to increase through each of our three periods. One is that in continuation of the centuries before 1800 examined in ReORIENT, there was a single well structured and operative world economy also in this post-Napoleonic period from 1816 to 1848/50. That is contrary to almost all the received wisdom, for whom the 'nineteenth century' economy and the study of its development preponderantly begins only in 1850, if not in 1870. What's more, many of these students implicitly and some explicitly claim that there was NO

'world' economy before 1846-1850. A recent example is Patrick O'Brien's review of

"Intercontinental Trade and the Development of the Third World since the Industrial Revolution" in JOURNAL OF WORLD HISTORY [8,1, Spring 1997: 75-134] whose second page begins with the subtitle "1. The Formation of a Global Economy, 1846-
1914" as though there was none before his starting date. On presumably the left side of the political spectrum, Eric Hobsbawm tries to assure us that in THE AGE OF CAPITAL beginning in 1848, mutual ignorance among its inhabitants and "weakness of economic links" mean that there was not ONE world even then [ Hobsbawm 1975:49-
50].

A second implication is that doomed AB INITIO are any and all efforts to study and understand any one PART of the world economy in the absence, not only of its relations with other parts, but even more so also of the structure and dynamic of the global world economy itself. That is true not only with regard, for instance, to allegedly autarchic and self-sufficient China and Japan or to India, but a fortiori to Europe and particularly Britain as well as the United States, the writing of whose history has been notoriously provincial and parochial. Alas, even comparative history or political economy is doomed to failure as long as it abstracts from the global whole within which the comparisons take place. That is all the more so the case insofar as the

'characteristics' and transformation of part A derive in part from its relations with or even the existence of those of part B or C and vice versa. A fortiori and even less recognized however is the extent to which the characteristics and transformation of all of these are also a function of their common participation in the single world economy, whose existence, continuity and transformation is mostly neglected if not altogether denied. Therefore the "development" whose study has become so popular since World War II can never have been of any single part or process, but only of the

world economy and system as a whole in which the fortune of any and all parts are derived principally from their position and role in that whole.

A third implication is that the calculations of whether Britain, Europe and/or the United States benefitted or not from their colonies or neo-colonies are also vitiated AB INITIO, because in almost every case, they take into account only of the bilateral flows of investment, trade and payments between here and there. The same goes for the assessment of equal or unequal benefits from voluntarily or involuntarily entering into any bilateral exchange relations, as much theory and many analyses presume. Calculations may then conclude that the percentages of direct bilateral foreign trade, payments and possible profits with or from the 'Third World', or with even all of the world, were too small significantly to affect the development of Britain, Europe or the United States, as do those of O'Brien [also see his "Balance Sheet for the Acquisition, Retention and Loss of European Empires Overseas" [1998] , Paul Bairoch, and Walt Rostow only to name a few on the 'right'. On the 'left' on the other hand calculations and often only presumptions on the contrary are that the 'North' or some part thereof did benefit, substantially or only marginally, from their colonial, imperialist, or neo-
colonial and de facto imperialist relations with some part or all of the 'South'. However, no matter what the answer to the question 'which side are you on', all these calculations about bilateral relations are largely altogether irrelevant for their own purposes of determining the balance sheet of gains and losses. For these can be determined if at all ONLY by examining the entire system of MULTILATERAL and not simply bilateral or even trilateral im/balances of trade and payments at any one time and also historically. As we will see below, that was unavoidably [even if mostly neglected] the case during our last period after 1873; but it was to a lesser but nonetheless significant degree already in our first and then second period.

--------------------------------------

To begin with, we may suitably but so far only incipiently examine the dominant monetary regimes. During the first period from 1813 to 1848/50, the de facto silver standard that had been dominant over the previous centuries [see ReORIENT particularly chpt. 3] continued to reign supreme. The second period from 1848/50 to 1873/80 was marked by a bi-metallic silver/gold standard, in which silver continued to weigh heavily, both in the extent of reliance still on silver in the world economy, as well as in the preponderant number of countries that remained on the silver standard. Thus silver continued first supreme and then still very significant through three quarters of the nineteenth century. Gold did not even begin its monetary rule until after 1873 and was only dominant for the four decades until 1913. Interestingly that is also precisely the period in which the gold standard's principal supporter, Britain, was losing its previous dominance in the world economy that therefore covered the mere three decades preceding 1873. That was of course also the date that marked the beginning of "The Great Depression" which lasted until 1895. Yet even during that period, the monetary standard continued to be silver in Mexico, by far the world's largest producer before the new Colorado mines began to produce, and in China and at Britain's own instance India, who still continued as the world's largest importers of silver. Some other large countries, including Russia and the Ottoman empire, also remained on the silver standard, and the United States still continued on a bi-metallic standard until very late in the nineteenth century that prompted William Jennings Bryant's famous 1896 "Cross of Gold" speech in defense of western agricultural and midwestern rural interests who sought protection against gold, which favored Eastern industrial interests. Thus and contrary to widespread belief that in the nineteenth century the world was on the gold standard, it's never more than only partial rule was confined to only the last three decades of that century and the first one of the twentieth century. Britain's attempt to return to the gold standard after World War I proved to be a disaster for Britain; and Roosevelt's tying gold to 35 dollars put much of the world on a de facto dollar standard until Nixon separated them and the Bretton Woods arrangements gave way to flexible exchange rates in the early 1970s.

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The two and a half decades of second period, that is the third quarter of the nineteenth century, were boom times in the Atlantic economies, which really only then pulled ahead of others in the world, except during the 1857 recession and the 1861-65 Civil War in the United States. The other major "Crimean" war among Europeans caused much less disruption.

Growth rates xxx

money xxx

Metallic money may not have been the cause of this boom, especially as paper money and bank drafts increasingly complemented gold, silver and copper; but the new gold certainly helped to fuel the flames. It did so not only by increasing the circulation of the metal., but also because paper did not replace bullion or coin. Rather and as usual, paper remained tied to and had to be backed by metal, lest paper and drafts become unacceptable. So, their supplies have historically tended to rise and fall in tandem, rather that one displacing the other.

As already observed above, the idea that in the nineteenth century gold ruled, is fallacious and probably itself received currency by virtue of the influence of also otherwise influential Britain, which had gone on the gold standard in 1821. Even so in this second period, Britain and its gold standard were at best primus inter pares or more equal than others. For there was still more silver in circulation in the world than gold, despite the newly discovered gold mines in California, Australia and then South Africa and their output relative to previously existing supplies that came on stream during this period. Indeed, it may have been the prior shortage of gold supplies relative to those of silver that spurred on the search for and prospecting of gold mines. In doing so, they also gave a boost to gold. Britain was joined on the gold standard by the new producer Australia, by the old producer Brazil and its former motherland Portugal, by Turkey that also had some gold, and some British colonies, other than India that wanted to go to gold but the British overlords would not let it. That is still a long ways from a world gold standard. On the silver standard were all the big producers of that metal, the world's greatest producer and exporter Mexico, as well as some other Latin Americans with a silver supply or heritage, Japan who had been a big exporter, China and India who were the largest importers, the Germans who had some mines, Scandinavians, Austrians and the Dutch.

That left quite a large part of the world economy with a leg in both camps, that is on a bi-metallic gold/silver standard. They were led by the so-called Latin block of France, Italy, Belgium and Switzerland, but the United States also operated on a bi-metallic standard, officially until 18xx, but de facto only to 1873 according to Schell and xx. However, these 'standards' and especially the bi-metallic one, were really market driven much more so that by any official dictate, except in so far as a Central Bank offered for a while to sell or buy at a particular gold/silver ratio. That is also why the use of one standard or the other or of both at a time was a reflection of who had supplies of what metal and when at their disposal. Although Britain was not a producer of gold, British exports were often payed for in that metal, which in turn they spent again for imports or as foreign investment. The supply of new gold and therefore also the growth of the world stock of gold fluctuated rather sharply from one time to another as new mines came on stream and then were exhausted or more expensive to work. The latter, however, was remedied after xx by a new chemical process of leeching gold from its ores. The production and supply of silver, on the other hand, increased at a much more even pace until the new mines in Colorado [Comstock] and Nevada came on stream in the 1880s. Bi-metallism was largely abandoned beginning with the German decision to demand reparations in gold from France after its defeat in the Franco-German war in 1871. Silver then began progressively began lose out to gold after the world economic crash in 1873 and the long depression that followed until 1895. Even so, Mexico, the biggest supplier and most of it to China, and China the biggest consumer, and some other countries, still held on to silver until the turn of the century.

Why Britain was so keen on gold, other than that it was able to supply itself with that metal, is less than clear. What is clear however, is that the there is precious little truth to the much touted notion of British world economic supremacy based on or even with the gold standard. Most of the world still was not on the gold standard even in this second period to 1873/1880. And when much of the world finally switched to gold after 1873, and then only during about four decades [compared to four centuries de facto on silver], Britain began entered its long downward slope of joining the underdeveloping economies. Yet as we will observe below, even during this second period when Britain may have ruled many of the waves, but never much of the world economy and still less of its manufacturing.

The leading sectors were still cotton; now also wheat, particularly in the United States, France and Russia; railroads; and steam ships now with steel hulls. The last two also generated vastly increased demand for and inputs of coal and steel. Railroad track in the major North Atlantic countries more than tripled from 35,000 Km in 1850 to 126,000 Km in 1875 [ xxx]. In the world as a whole the increase was from 23,000 miles [37 thousand Km] in 1850 to 128,000 in 1870 and then to 228,000 miles in 1880 [Rostow 1978:152]. Woytinsky [1955: 341] reports somewhat different figures and regional breakdowns: World totals [rounded in thousands of miles] 5 in 1840, 24 in 1850, 67 in 1860, 130 in 1870, and 380 in 1880. Of these, Europe and North America had nearly 100 percent in the first two of these years, and still about 85 percent in the last two decennial years. Between themselves all along the way, their shares were nearly 50:50. Even so for a long time, track laying was quite localized over short distances, and some of that was duplicated on one route and owner and another, and long distance, not to mention trans-continental lines became common only in the 1880s. Nonetheless, railroads, unlike textiles, had important backward linkages to coal, steel and other inputs, as well as forward linkages and wide spread effects to many other investment in and production by industries and services that were made possible and even necessary by extending and accelerating access to previously more remote areas.

Thus, the new railroads, but also shipping, and in some cases canals, in turn permitted the expansion in sowing and transporting wheat and other crops. The rapid and wide expansion of railways and shipping also created an enormous overseas market for British steel and machinery, and for direct investment as well as for portfolio loans to foreign governments for to build railroads and other infrastructure. These in turn, and despite government and private defaults on many loans [on almost all of its debts by the United States already in the 1830s and on many again in this second period], generated a flow payments into Britain from so called 'invisible' earned interest, profits, charges for shipping on primordially still British bottoms that constituted the largest invisible earnings. Other invisible earnings came from brokerage of and insurance on the goods carried, banking services, technical and other services abroad, and in India especially the notorious 'home charges' for administering and 'defending' that colony, as well as for the payment of savings and pensions for the British subjects who did that administering, and remissions from other British subjects or emigrants abroad. Furthermore, these monetary receipts formed a sort of revolving fund through which these earnings from Peter were used to make loans in turn to Paul, or additionally again to Peter himself. Moreover, another complement to all this was the also growing market for real physical British machinery, other capital goods, of which especially the sale as well as the use of British made ships and railroad rolling stock .

Table 1 BRITISH MERCHANDISE TRADE DEFICITS & INVISIBLE EARNINGS

[rounded yearly averages in millions of pounds over 5 year periods]

1	2	3	4	5

Dates	Mch Def	Services	Int & Div	Total Invis	Accumulated

Shipping=50%

1851-55	27	37	12	49	218 [1851]

250 [1855]

1856-60	34	50	16	66	380 [1860]

1861-65	57	67	22	99	490 [1865]

1866-70	58	83	30	113	692 [1870]

1871-75	62	99	50	149	1065 [1875]

1876-80	125	101	56	157	1189 [1880]

1- Trade Deficit on MERCHANDISE Account increased from 218 million pound sterling in 1851 to 1189 million pound sterling in 1880. These in turn would render a stream of interest and dividend earnings in the next period up to World War II [see below].

2- Business Services, including Foreign Trade Services, Insurance etc.

and Shipping Charges, normally 50% of all business services

3-Interest and Dividends

4-Total Invisibles [cols. 2 + 3]

5-Accumulated Credits Abroad

Source: A.H.Imlah ECONOMIC ELEMENTS IN PAX BRITANNIA [1958:72-73]

Table 1 shows several thing of interest for the analysis and argument about this period. Column 2 related to 1 shows that increasing earnings from services [2],

of which 50 percent were regularly derived from shipping changes alone,

ran at about 50 percent more than trade deficits on MERCHANDISE account.

Interests and dividends earned [3] were by themselves about half of the trade

deficits [1]. Adding these interest and dividend earnings [3] to those from services [2],

we get a total of all earnings from invisibles [4], which is about two times higher than the trade deficit [1]. This excess of earnings from invisibles that were double the trade deficit on mERCHANDISE account were money for the 'kitty', from which they could be re-invested abroad. As a result accumulated credits abroad rose from 218 million pound sterling in 1851 to 1189 million pound sterling in 1880. These credits would then generate a continued stream of earnings from invisibles during the next period to World War I.

Many of these British earnings from 'invisibles' were directly or indirectly derived

from and based on also British shipping. During this boom period of course, the number of ships, mostly British and increasingly steam powered, as well as the number and frequency of their voyages, also increased rapidly. But the introduction of steam hardly increased the speed of ships. On the other hand, the Suez Canal, the opened in 1869 vastly reduced the travel time to India and beyond. Since however it could not accommodate sailing ships, the wish to use it was an incentive to build more

steam ships. Even so, in 1870 only 12 percent of shipping tonnage was carried by steam ships and by 1880 still only 25 percent [Ashworth 1962:68], However of these totals, the British owned an operated the large and increasing majority and after it them the Americans. British steam shipping and its share of total steam powered shipping in the world increased rapidly. While British tonnage multiplied sixteen fold from 1850 to 1880, the rest of the world's tonnage increased only four and a half fold. Thus of total maritime carrying capacity, in 1840 steam accounted for about 15 percent, and yet still less than 50 percent was steam powered in 1870. Of the latter however, British tonnage grew from about a quarter of the world total in 1840-1850, to a third in 1870 and to one half in 1880 [Hobsbawm 1975:58]. First the introduction of the telegraph, its stringing parallel to the net of railroads, and then its conduct through newly laid undersea cables, reduced the time needed for communication over long distances to almost nothing where it was available, which further excluded most of the underdeveloping world. Britain however had no especially large share of these developments. In a sense during this period, ships and shipping were Britain's most successful industrial export product.

For even in this period of economic boom and British leadership within it, Britain was able to take only scant advantage of the opportunity to upgrade its other exports to ones of higher value added. Thus in 1850, textiles and their yarn and other components accounted for 62 percent of Britain's total domestically produced exports; and by 1870 from this by now old industry, they still amounted to 55 percent of British exports. Meanwhile, exports of iron, steel, machinery and vehicles rose from only 13 percent in 1850 to still only 17 percent of total British exports in 1870 [Hobsbawm 1968: 110]. Moreover, the large bulk of British textile exports were destined to now underdeveloped and other countries, of which in turn 30 percent in 1850 and 60 percent in 1873 were exported to Britain's Indian 'captive audience' colony. So much for ' laissez faire' with 'free trade'! Only the remaining 30 percent of textile exports in 1840, 20 percent in 1860, and 10 percent in 1880 went to the major expanding markets of Europe and North America who w ere increasingly producing textiles for their own markets and some also for export [Hobsbawm 1968: 146-147].

Thus and as already observed for the previous period, despite growing world markets and rising demand for its products in this boom time period, British industry still, indeed never, did succeed to produce for and capture enough of the world market, let alone of its upscale range, to avoid her large and ever growing export deficit as the counterpart of its import surplus. Moreover as already earlier, re-exports continued still to make a substantial and in this period even a sharply rising real contribution to British 'exports' and foreign earnings. While in the 1830s and 1840s annual values of re-exports hovered around 10 million pounds, they rose to 20 million in 1854, and then reached a maximum of 60 million pounds in 1865, after which they leveled off around 50 million pounds. As a percentage of all exports, in this period re-exports hovered around 15 percent, rising to 20 percent in 1865, and then leveling off again to about 17 percent [Imlah 1958: 33-35]. What kind of 'workshop of the world' was that while 'Britannia ruled the waves' in the heyday of 'Pax Britannia' ? The evidence suggests that we have been hoodwinked about British achievements all along. Instead, Britain must have had some other sources of sustenance for its heralded domestic consumption and domestic and foreign investment, not to mention its ideological leadership, which seems to have been a source of this deception.

Yet Britain was able to maintain this import surplus/export deficit and other situation not only in this period but over the entire century from 1816 to 1913. How was this possible? The standard answer is that the trade deficit was 'balanced' by the invisible inflow of these 'invisibles'. But that is already true by definition, since on current account ALL exports and imports MUST balance in the aggregate. The real question is how this aggregation is established and maintained. And the answer to that must be sought in the support Britain and some others received from their privileged place and role in the world wide system of trade and payment im/balances. To that, there already was reference in the review of the previous period. It was further elaborated in this second period, and would be finalized in the next period, regarding which there will be further analysis below.

This period also witnessed the first large scale migrations of modern times, and they were mostly from Europe, and among these predominantly from Britain, first to the United States and then in much lesser degree also to other regions of recent settlement. As noted above, in our previous period and up to mid-century, immigrants to the principal destination, the United States, never exceed never exceeded 200 thousand per year, for a total of no more than about 2 million. Yet in the two decades between 1850 and 1870, the total emigration was over 5 million, and in the following one an additional more than 3 million, for a total in these three decades of about 8.5 million, now including less than 1 percent of Asians. More than half of these came from Britain, and more than another third from Germany, the land of next highest emigration, and after them by quite a distance, one tenth from the Scandinavian countries. In the next period of course, these 5 million would be joined by another about 20 million more, then also including many from Italy [Woytinsky 1953:77]. Almost all of these migrated for reasons generated by the economy, both of push by the bad one in their countries of emigration and the pull of immigration by better prospects in the receiving countries. Those who left from Asia to work had little choice and were put to work in plantations elsewhere, including particularly Guyana and Trinidad in the Atlantic and Fiji in the Pacific, as well as the Chinese who went to the United States and were put to work building railroads, although some were also attracted by the new gold mines. Therefore also, the flow of migrant was not even, nor did it grow evenly, from one year to the next, but instead responded to cyclical push and pull conditions in both the sending and the receiving parts of the world economy.

As a result, these population numbers grew, and their totals relative to each other, at very different rates. Between 1850 and 1880, population in North America [U.S. and Canada] more than doubled, from 25 million to 54 million. In the meantime population in North Atlantic Europe rose from 152 million to 182 million respectively, or by only 20 percent [ and including Russians and their migration to Siberia, from 212 million to 270 million or by 27 percent]. In Britain in particular, population grew from 27 million in 1850 to 35 million in 1880, or by only 30 percent, in Germany by 25 percent, Thus, while in 1850 North America had only 10 percent of this combined North Atlantic population, by 1880 it had risen to almost 30 percent, and correspondingly the European share had fallen from about 90 to 70 percent [numbers rounded by me from Woytinsky 1953:44].

The economic consequences were more than far reaching; they were transformative.

In Europe, out-migration reduced the number of potential workers, which permitted wages and income to rise more than they otherwise would have, and it thus also provided enormous relief from further increase in the numbers of unemployed and of welfare expenditure to support them. All of these furthermore as also served as an important safety valve against political protest and uprising. In the receiving countries, the migrants provided vast quantities of new workers, which prevented wages to rise as much as they otherwise would have, and they increased the demand for consumer goods and infrastructural investment. All that happened with the additional benefit of not having to incur and thereby being able to save two or three decades worth of expenses to raise and to some extent to educate these workers from the time of their birth. Moreover, the receiving economies also benefitted from skills of some workers, whose acquisition was also paid for by the sending economies. The latter in turn further benefitted from these migrants' overseas demand for goods and services, and in particular their need for capital goods and other investment and housing, as well as shipping not only to carry the migrants themselves but then also to sell them supplies from the 'old country'. In other words, migration increased consumer and investment demand on both sides of the Atlantic beyond what would otherwise have existed in the absence of this huge migration.

Therefore also, in making any comparisons between the greater increases in investment, wages, income and economic development general among the North Atlantic economies including other settler ones, all of whom derived enormous benefits from this absolute and relative out- or in- migration on one side with, on the other side, the underdeveloping economies that, as in most of Asia, could not benefit from such migrations. Furthermore, the resulting additional population and economic growth in the United States and other settler economies introduced additional new useful nexuses into the ever more multilateral world system of im/balances of trade and payments, which itself provided so important a boost to and higher base of the standard of living for all of those who had or were able to acquire a more privileged place and role in that system - at the expense of those who did not. In other words again, this migration cannot seriously be regarded as a simple flow of people across the Atlantic, nor is it satisfactory simply to compare developments in the "North' with those in the 'South' even if the above mentioned unequal benefits referred to above are taken into account, which they hardly ever are. Again, for any serious analysis of what happened in the nineteenth century and since, it is also necessary to take into account, analyze, and evaluate the role this migration played in determining the place and role in - and the absolute and relative benefits from the place of each economic area and sector in the world economic scheme of things.

The same is true of what economists have called backward and especially forward linkages and their spread effects from migration and any manufacturing, agriculture or services from one sector or place to another. These have mostly been analyzed on the basis of this country or sector and that, e.g. the backward linkage of railroads to the inputs of steel and coal, and their forward linkage to the other economic activities that they make possible or even generate. However, even the simple transfer of linkages only from one 'economy' and people to another, as discussed in Frank [1978b], has been hardly examined, and the world wide network of these linkages not at all. Thus for instance, mining, forestry or large scale agriculture in an underdeveloped country will only underdevelop it even more, of their products are exported to an industrializing country in the 'North' with little or no value added in the exporting country. For in that case, which has been and still is far more usual than not, the forward and even some backward linkages and their spread are exported overseas along with the product itself. Not only then is the product itself exported, like mineral ores, or plantation products that are to be used as inputs into industrial processing abroad.

The export of the product then also exports the forward linkages and spread effects to other processes, and even some backward linkages such as mining or agricultural machinery used to produce the product in the first place. That export then enriches the receiving country, but it does not similarly enrich the sending one, if it does not also impoverish it further. That is the case even more so, if the mines or plantations are foreign owned, because then the local profits are exported as well and do not remain available for local or national investment. Harold Innis [xx] and after him Mel Watkins [xx] have written about the 'Staple Theory' on why and how particular conditions made it possible to create and benefit from such linkages in Canada [and the same was the case in Australia and to some extent Argentina] and thereby to parlay their commodities export also into some industrialization. And yet even today these countries are still highly dependent on their commodities exports, and they suffer exceptionally when markets for them decline. Parlaying commodities exports abroad into development at home has, however been largely impossible, for most other underdeveloping countries. While it is not so difficult to see or perhaps even to calculate the respective gains and losses, or lost opportunities, through the export of linkages and their spread effects from one or another of such counties in the 'South' to one or more in the 'North', mapping the entire world wide network of these linkages at any one time and calculating the corresponding gains and losses from trade, let alone their cumulative effects, has never even been attempted. Of course, much less so has it occurred to anyone to combine the world wide gain/loss network of and from these linkages with the gain/loss network from im/balances of trade and payments, which probably re-
enforce each other at any one time and even more so cumulatively. Yet only that kind of global world economic and systemic analysis can, to use David Landes' [1997] play of words on Adam Smith, can help to explain differences in THE WEALTH AND POVERTY OF NATIONS and not any alleged differences in culture, inventiveness and other 'qualities' that supposedly permit some to become more productive and richer than others by all on their own pulling themselves up by their own bootstraps.

We may now turn to nineteenth century developments in this second period in other parts of the world, and particularly in Asia, and how they relate to each other and to the Atlantic economies. Even such minimally satisfactory examination must by pursued against at least the background of their common participation in the global world economy, even if the analysis of this participation, and still less of the globe econcompassing world economy itself, is not yet possible.

India

India is legendary as the Crown Jewel in the British Empire. The word 'jewel' is not only figurative, but it also has a material reference. Above all else, it was the Indian payment of so-called colonial 'tribute' to Britain and the resulting so-called 'drain' from India to Britain that were an important source of its domestic income and of foreign investment. Even more important however was India's place and role as the lynch pin of Britain's privileged key position in the afore mentioned already then developing system of trade and payments im/balances. THE CAMBRIDGE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF INDIA explains:

An unusual characteristic of India's foreign trade throughout the period of this

survey [that spans all of our three periods] was the existence of a large export
surplus, which was not offset by either a rise in her foreign-exchange
reserves or an increase in overseas lending. In fact, the permanently favorable
balance of trade [that is the aforementioned export surplus], after including
movements of treasure, was accompanied by a net import of capital after 1850. The key to the puzzle lie in the invisible items in her balance of payments and the unilateral transfer of funds that she had to make to Britain as par t of	the political charges debited to her external account. Thus the payment of political [and economic!] tribute was the genesis of the famous theory of a 'drain	of wealth' from India [Cambridge Economic History of India (CEHI) 1983:869-	870].

Although Britain sent India the silver and gold, elsewhere acquired, in partial compensation for her import surplus with India on mERCHANDISE account, almost exceptionally in the annals of balances of trade and payments, India nonetheless still maintained an export surplus to Britain on both mERCHANDISE AND payments account, which therefore resulted in a unilateral transfer of both from India to Britain. This unequal relationship is illustrated by the main South-North axis in Diagram 2.

However, India complemented its domestically generated mERCHANDISE exports, primarily of raw cotton, and of financial transfers of home charges, etc. [see below] with its own receipt of payments from abroad, principally from China. Moreover, Britain maintained an import surplus also with China that it was unable to settle without its payments from India. In turn, the Indian export surplus of opium, cotton and some cotton textiles to China was compensated by mostly by the export of silver, that had previously also mostly been imported. This receipt by India from China of silver, and/or the mERCHANDISE purchased with it in India, were in turn exported to Britain, which also in turn used it to compensate its own import surplus with China, which completed the infamous triangle of trade and payments whose base was the initially British sponsored export of opium from India to China. It was thus that Britain was able simultaneously to pay for its import surplus from China and to allow India to generate and maintain its surplus of mERCHANDISE and financial exports to Britain, which also permitted first the transfer of their private earnings by British subjects abroad and increasingly also of the 'home charges' that Britain levied on its Indian colony. These economic flow relations are illustrated by the triangle outlined in darker lines on the right hand side of Diagram 2. In the discussion of China, we saw/will see that this Britain-China-India triangle was also complemented by a Britain-China-USA triangle, to b e examined below.

We may turn to examine a few of the important relations and development that in this second period from 1848/50 to 1873/80 that were operationalized through this triangle as seen from the Indian angle at the bottom of Diagram 2. Indian exports were dominated by opium to China and raw cotton to Britain. Opium and raw cotton combined alone always accounted for more than half of Indian exports from 1850/1 until 1870/1, of which opium about 30 percent and cotton about 20 percent in 1850 and 1860, with opium declining to 18-19 percent in 1870 and 1880, and cotton first rising to 35 percent in 1870 and then declining to 18 percent in 1880. The next highest exports were of sugar and indigo at the beginning of this period, with food grains and seeds catching up taken separately and combined also exceeding the second and third highest [CEHI 1983: 844]. Therefore also, exports to Britain hovered around somewhat more than 40 percent of India's total, while its imports from there were mostly in excess of 80 percent, while its exports to China in this period began with 35 percent and declined to about 20 percent.

India's imports from China, except in the first year, never reached even 5 percent of India's total mERCHANDISE imports. The huge excess of Indian exports to China, most importantly of opium and secondly of cotton and its textiles, was balanced by Chinese payments to India, importantly in silver imported from Mexico directly or via the United States [see bottom triangles in Diagram 2] , which were then converted into part of India's imbalance of payments with Britain [ibid. 864]. In the early 1850s, India's excess of these and other re-exports, rose from 3.9 million to 5.4 million pound sterling and averaged around 20 percent of all Indian exports, 40 percent of its mERCHANDISE imports and around 25 percent of these plus bullion import [see below] combined. In the second half of the 1850s, India had a small excess of imports instead, which was soon again replaced by the 'normal' export surplus, again illustrated by the vertical South-North axis in Diagram 2.

Between 1850 and 1880, beginning with 10 million rupees worth of gold and rising to about 50 million and then again falling to about 35 million rupees per decade, India received a bit over 100 million rupees worth of gold. The corresponding receipts of silver of about 7 million rupees in the first decade, rose to about 100 million in the second decade, and then leveled off at about 60 million rupees in the succeeding two decades, for a total of about 230 million rupees worth of silver over these three decades [all figures rounded from Digby 1969:181]. This flow of bullion, minted into coin in India, also came as capital exports from Britain to India, e.g. to build railroads, which soon however generated an additional return stream of invisible payments from India to Britain.

Of particular interest in India's contribution to Britain and its ability in turn to finance its foreign investment in the United Sates and its Dominions were the Indian 'home charges'. These, in a word, were the tribute, and form in which it was payed, which Britain exacted from India in payment 'for' British administration of it 'Crown jewel' colony. The home charges consisted importantly of Indian payment for the British commanded but Indian manned army of occupation and the civil service administration of India, as well as payment of pensions to and remittance of profits by the British in India. By way of example during this second period, while from 1858/9 to 1876/7 the gross revenues of the government in India increased from 36 million to 51 million pound sterling, the home charges increased from 7 million to 10 million pounds. That is throughout this period, the home charges exacted by Britain were fully 20 percent of Indian revenues, which were generated primarily by taxing its people [Dutt 1960:271]. All of these Indian payments to Britain went to shore up British coffers at home and to finance their in turn partial re-investment abroad.

China

In our examination of the previous period from 1816 to 1848/50, we observed that there still was substantial continuity from the end of the eighteenth century.

The continuity in Asian economic strength was particularly the case in China. The "Paradox of Growth without Development" as the dean of American Sinologists John King Fairbank entitled a chapter in his CHINA: A NEW HISTORY published in 1992 just before his death, is that there was and is NO such paradox. China's previous world leading economic productivity and mERCHANDISE export surplus based thereon still continued also in its world market domination in ceramics and silk, which was now increasingly complemented also with the export of tea, especially to Britain and other parts of Europe. By virtue of its continuing export surplus, Chinese imports also continued to consist significantly of silver bullion and coins, mostly from Mexico as before, but now increasingly also shipped across the Pacific via the United States port of San Francisco. The most important change in China's foreign trade, other than its increasing import of opium from India was its now also increasing import of more cotton goods than before from India, but which were sold primarily by the British and imported both directly and via Southeast Asia through the Chinese port in Canton. Nonetheless, forefingers still had to work within the and not outside of or against the Chinese 'Canton System'. Except for this new opium based trade that for a time remained legal though perhaps half of it was also smuggled, Chinese participation in the world economy still remained pretty much the same as before.

This 'traditional' participation of China also continued into the first part of our second period beginning in 1848/50, despite the First 'Opium War' that China lost to Britain and her few cannon boats in 1840. The subsequent 'unequal' Treaty of Nanjing in 1842 accorded Western and particularly British interests some special privileges in a few ports. However, the importance of this war and treaty seem, by both Westerners and Chinese who saw and still see them as manifestations of Chinese weakness, to have been exaggerated all out proportion to their effective weight and consequences.

However from 1846 to 1848, floods and famine in the southern part of China most involved in foreign trade, as well as the in-migration there of more northerners, contributed to the beginning also there of the Taiping Rebellion from 1851 to 1864. That seriously weakened and almost brought down the Empire governed from Beijing. When the Taiping threatened to capture Shanghai in 1854 and to protect itself from further Taiping incursions, the Chinese government in Beijing in effect made a tactical alliance against them with foreigners that ceded to them an Inspectorate that collected customs duties at the port of Shanghai. But with Beijing further weakened and threatened by continuing Taiping advances, British and other foreign interests took advantage thereof, subjected China to the Second Opium War, and captured Beijing in 1860. Then they imposed further treaty concessions on China, which with the simultaneous further weakening of the the Chinese economy, only now undermined the "Canton System," to which foreigners had until then still to adapt their trade with China, and led to further increases in the import of opium and its countervailing outflow of silver. Only then, despite the earlier temporary import deficit/export surplus of silver, was the Chinese relation to the world economy substantially transformed in its disfavor. That was one of the origins of the subsequent Chinese attempt at 'self strengthening' against further foreign threats and incursions.

The Chinese outermost angle of the triangle on the right eastern side of Diagram 2 has already been examined in the discussion of India, which formed the bottom southern one. Both connected to Britain on the northern top of the Diagram, because the whole affair was set up and maintained in the interest first of the British East India Company and its 'servants' and after the BIC's loss of its monopoly in the interests of British merchants, large like the still today surviving Jardines, and small. On the one hand, Britain imported mERCHANDISE from China, but was unable or unwilling to pay for them. On the other hand, first also the same BIC and its servants in India, and then British subjects and interests in India in general, sought a way to transfer home to Britain their earnings and profits primarily in India and secondarily elsewhere in Asia.

The solution to both problems was one and the same: if China could be persuaded or if necessary forced to import opium from India in excess of its exports to India, then

China would send bullion or cash to India to settled the balance between Chinese imports from India over its export to India. And the British [more than the Indians] could then use these Chinese funds both to remit their own profits from India to England, and to pay the Chinese for Britain's own excess of imports from over their exports to China! This good [at least for the British] business arrangement was begun already in the late eighteenth century after Britain had gotten a good foothold in India. It was further developed during our first period during which however the arrangement ran into some trouble that had to be fixed; and it reached its zenith during our second period. After that from the 1880s onward, both the absolute quantity and the relative importance of this opium trade declined; although it did not fade out altogether until World War I and its aftermath.

The troubles with this arrangement during our first period, at least for the British and the Chinese, was that the former wanted to export ever more opium to China, and the Chinese wanted to import ever less of it. Actually, the First Opium War was precipitated when, to contain the opium trade, the Chinese government deliberately confiscates and destroyed large shipment in action analogous to that of the erstwhile Bostonians who had a party dumping British tea into their harbor. In both cases, the main reasons for doing so was not any great dislike of tea or opium, neither for consumption, not morally not politically, the latter at least not directly so. Instead, the big problem for the Chinese was that they had 'traditionally' been the world's largest inward importer of silver, but alas payment for more and more opium also invoked a grater and greater outward re-export of that silver. Since domestic taxes remained payable in silver, lower domestic supplies raised its price relative to copper cash and other commodities, thereby impoverishing many people, so that the opium-for-silver trade then also did pose a political problem, at least indirectly.

But that was not the only dimension of the opium-for-silver problem, which also had other international and world political economic ramifications and indeed even causes. Some of these derived from the upper triangle in Diagram 2, in which China was still at the eastern point on the right and Britain still at the northern one at the top, but the United States now occupied the western point of the triangle on the left. The two major triangles, the eastern one on the right side, and the northern one at the top, now complemented and re-enforced each other as part of a four cornered incipient multilateral system of trade and payments.

The place of the United States in this system was several fold, and will be further examined in regard to itself. For now, it is sufficient to emphasize its role in the China trade and complementarity in the trans-Atlantic one. In the nineteenth century, Americans replaced the Spaniards who during the preceding centuries had been the ultimate, and via Acapulco also the direct, suppliers of silver to China. Now, it was the Americans who shipped Mexican silver to China, mostly westward directly across the Pacific as Spaniards had done to a lesser degree on the Manila Galleons from Acapulco in Mexico to Manila from where it went to China. And Americans as well as Mexicans themselves also shipped Mexican silver to China, eastward via Europe, which the Spaniards had also done earlier, only more so. That is, the structural still largest in the world import of silver by China was now importantly supplied by Americans. In much of the nineteenth century, China still exported more mERCHANDISE than it imported, and therefore was also able still to import silver to make up the balance.

However, China now had to use some of this silver from the Americas so that it itself could pay for opium and cotton from India for which China in silver, part of which as bullion or as the commodities, including gold for which the silver payed, was then shipped further on to Britain and other parts of Europe. Herein, particularly in the second half of the nineteenth century, there was a difference from earlier times in that China was no longer the ultimate sink for world silver as it had been in the eighteenth and earlier centuries. In the new triangular trades, China now exported silver to rather than as previously importing silver from India. Britain and Europe exported more to China than before, but still not enough to avoid balancing its import surplus. A now much smaller portion of this balance was made still through bullion shipped from Europe to China. Two larger portions of the balance was arranged through British exports to the United States, enough of which were again re-exported to account for half of all American exports to China. Most of the other half was made up by the afore mentioned US export to China of silver, both of which payed for much of America's own import surplus from China but also from India, which were settled not only directly but also again through Britain. The latter, at the apex angles of all of these triangles, was able to skim the cream off, and when the system became perfected in our third period at the end of the nineteenth century, also half of the milk.

For some years in the second trimester of the nineteenth century, China even became a net exporter of silver. That was the case, notably, after 1834 when the United States changed its gold/silver exchange ratio, which made it more profitable than before to keep silver in the United States. Mexican pesos then comprised more than one fifth of all coinage circulating in the United States, where they had already earlier been declared legal tender. In consequence, less silver was available for the usual shipment to China. These events and the consequent demand generated increase in the price of silver during the second half of the 1830s caused or contributed to a lesser inflow into, a silver shortage in, and a net outflow of the now more valuable silver from China. That is why Beijing sent the since well remembered Kung Taotai [ xx Wade Giles to Pinjing?] to hold up that shipment of opium and its consequences, which then became the pretext for the British First Opium War against China [Schell 19xx and 19yy]. As China's exports increased again and the price of silver declined, China resumed its usual place and role as the ultimate importer, if no longer ultimate sink, of silver. Nonetheless, silver was still put to important use in China's continuing if now slower growth, still also as the medium for the payment of taxes, and for use as legal tender after 1842 in Hong Kong and after 1853 in Canton.

After 1849, new gold came on market from California and Australia and further transformed gold/silver/copper/mERCHANDISE price ratios and directional flows, including those in and for China.

In summary, China's political economic situation took turns for the worse in this period, both externally and internally. Internally, production and income declined. These were accompanied also by greater international and domestic political problems., perhaps often claimed to be a major cause thereof -

United States

The American economic position improved markedly already during this second period, which also laid the basis for its subsequent greater and better known rise during the third period to be examined later below. In this second period the situation improved markedly, as already partially observed above as part of the discussion of other areas, despite the political economic disruption associated with the civil war between 1861 and 1865. The economic improvements in the United States, as all too many other developments, are generally attributed by American historians of America, and by its public itself, to the well known claims about American moral and political exceptionality superiority, and economic industriousness, etc. The economic and international factors and the benefits of its improving place in the world, and their important positive contribution to this increase well being and grown are much less acknowledge than their vital importance deserves.

Though a number of American benefits form abroad are generally acknowledged, their connection among themselves and with less obvious but nonetheless important factors are less observed. Even less generally acknowledged are the resulting beneficial improvements of the position and role of the expanding American economy in the structure of the also expanding world system of trade and payments im/balances. The latter consequently gave a further largely unmentioned and even less acknowledged but very important boost to American domestic economic growth, income and other developments.

Immigration into the United States, as already observed above, increased from previous levels during this period to 610,000 people in the 1850s, 569,000 in the 1860s, and 655,000 in the 1870s. The number of arrivals declined cyclically during recessions in the United States, as well as during the Civil War. Over these three decades, these nearly two million new arrivals made an 8 percent increase over the 23 million inhabitants in the United States in 1850. However, since most of the new arrivals were in reproductive age, a generation later they had made a significantly greater contribution to the population. Moreover, since the new arrivals were also mostly, indeed at the beginning, of working age; they made a still greater contribution to American employable and productive labor power, the rearing and early education of which the United States had to devote no resources to.

The increase in population, domestic, by migration, and by the latter's offspring,

generated increased production of and generated demand for consumer goods and investment, particularly of economic infrastructure and housing. There was ever increasing construction of railroad track and its use to carry freight and passengers.

The milage of existing railroad track rose from 3 thousand miles in 1840 to 9 thousand in 1850, 30 thousand in 1860, after which construction slowed down during the 1861-
65 Civil War and resumed thereafter, to reach 53 thousand miles in 1870 and 93 thousand by 1880 [Chandler 1965:13]. In the meantime, the size and carrying capacity of freight cars increased and their number doubled [Woytinsky 1955:266].

The extension of the net and of its carrying capacity opened up and accelerated access to and among vast areas of the continent that now witnessed new settlement and production particularly of staples for domestic consumption and export.

The Civil War dampened this expansion and vastly reduced cotton export from the Southern states that were blockaded by Union ships, but it did not eliminate cotton from exports entirely in that still large quantities of cotton were shipped across the border with Mexico at Matamoros, which temporarily grew to be have the world's third largest

shipping volume in order to handle the trans-shipment of cotton to the textile mills of England but some apparently also back to the United States in the North. The British, nonetheless still starved of cotton, generated also temporarily much increased demand for cotton, which was then partly supplied by expanded production in and export from Egypt and India and even from China.

Thus, the temporary changes in the United States caused by its Civil War also had both temporary and longer lasting effects elsewhere. Some were monetary. The very much increased exports of cotton from Egypt, India and China required substantially increased payments in silver, which came from increased silver production in Mexico, much of it again exported to the United States, which re-exported it to the Orient, so that 'traditional' position of India and China as importers of silver were re-enforced.

In the meantime, gold was struck in California in 1849 and in Australia in 1860, both of which then became major exporters and suppliers of gold to the world and particularly to Britain and other parts of Europe with whom they had an import surplus. These in

turn used the gold to settle accounts with the regions whom Europe and particularly Britain had a large and growing import surplus and export deficit. However, the increased production and quantity of gold in the world lowered its price with regard to silver and all other commodities. Therefore as a medium of exchange for Europeans, gold became cheaper to import but also correspondingly less valuable as a means of payment for their imports. Nonetheless, the increased world supply of gold contributed to more and more countries' abandonment of their reliance on the silver standard and their us of the bi-metallic silver/gold standard. Germany's demand for French reparations payment in gold after their war in 1871 then accelerated the weight in the world of gold in the balance with silver, which in turn favored Britain which had already been adhering to the gold standard for the past half century.

With Reconstruction and the recovery from the Civil War, the United States also further cemented its position and role in the still expanding and also strengthening of the global system of im/balances of trade and payments illustrated in Diagram 2.

The United States increased its mERCHANDISE imports from China, India and other parts of the further underdeveloping world and of silver from Mexico. In turn, the United States used part of these imports to settle accounts with its creditors and suppliers of its import surplus in Britain and Europe. Or to say the same thing in reverse, the United States was now increasingly able to pay for its imports from and repay its debts to Europe not only by drawing on its own production not to mention 'superiority', but also on those of China, India and other parts of the world whose 'thirdworldization' was thus re-enforced and accelerated to the befit previously primarily of Britain and secondarily of Continental Europe, but now also of the economy and strength of the United States.

Moreover, now it is easier to see how both Britain and the United States benefitted from this increasingly multilateral arrangement and their place in it in still another important way. The question already arose before how it was possible for Britain and its 'workshop for the world' were able to make vast investments to the benefit of itself as a creditor country AND to the corresponding United States debtor. The mystery arose from the fact that in fact Britain had a permanent and ever growing structural import mERCHANDISE surplus and export deficit and how the United Sates found the means to repay - when it did not default as it often did on - its debts to Britain.

The answer and solution to the mystery could not be Britain's alleged marvelous productivity and huge production, which it did not have, nor any supposed ability of the United States by its own efforts and production to generate a surplus sufficiently large to c over its debts to Britain. Nor is 'Rumpenstilltskien' the answer to this riddle. Instead, the answer is to be sought in the British and American positions and roles in and benefits from the increasingly global system of international imbalances of trade and payments and their trilateral, quadrilateral, and increasingly multilateral settlement

through other countries and the productive efforts of its many peoples to the benefit of the much fewer people who were its beneficiaries. Later, but to a lesser degree, the United States would be joined by the British Dominions and Argentina in privileged positions in the expanding world system of im/balances of trade and payments, from which they drew benefit as large as were as their corresponding near total mystery to and denial by those who drew the highest benefit from this arrangement.

So how was Britain able to finance its foreign loans to and investments primarily in the United States and secondarily elsewhere? Britain was able to and did so out of the MERCHANDISE AND payments surplus that it received from abroad, but mostly from Asia, principally from South and East Asia, especially China, and predominantly from India, although Southeast Asian remissions to Continental Europe and the latter's in turn to Britain also made a marginal but increasing contribution. Moreover relatively densely populated Britain was also able to reduce poverty by exporting much of its unemployment and potential welfare payments problems to its Dominions and even more so to the United States, which had the opposite problems of surplus land and resources that the newly arrived labor power helped convert into real wealth and income.

And how other than by the contribution of its immigrants was the economy of the United States able to grow so fast and so well? Firstly by its receipt and use also of inputs of capital, both in direct investment and in credits, from Britain that had been produced by and payed for by the people of India at the cost of their deepening impoverishment. Secondly, the United States also received an ever larger surplus of imports of consumable MERCHANDISE goods, especially from China and less so also from India, but also including Mexican silver that the United States re-exported to China. At the same time, the United States was able to cultivate an export market for its own manufacturers in Latin America including Mexico and in turn to receive raw materials inputs for its industries complemented by their drain of whatever bullion that Britain had not already extracted from them.

Thus, for none of these inputs into its own economy did or even could United States directly pay for all of their costs of production in and export from elsewhere. Instead the United States was able to complement its own mERCHANDISE production, but therefore also to consume more of it at home, by drawing on its own import surplus of mERCHANDISE and payments from abroad, and now also on its own production of gold, to settle its own debtor accounts elsewhere. These were primarily with Britain and secondarily with Continental Europe, who then 'took care' of their own and the American trading partners in Asia. Alas, none of this intricate house of charm for Western Europe and especially Britain, and ultimately even more so for the United States, would have been possible without its foundation in and support from India, except that India in turn, and the others in part also directly, made use of a supporting girder of their own in China. Simple!